Conoce a Jordan Henry
Jordan Henry no tiene hijos matriculados en las Escuelas Públicas Unificadas de Glendale. Los registros públicos sugieren que se mudó a La Crescenta/Glendale en la primavera de 2021.
Henry comenzó a aparecer en las reuniones de la Junta de Educación para repetir activista nacional de extrema derechaCristóbal Rufoataques programados que comienzan enJulio2021, aprovechando la opción de comentario público remoto durante la pandemia.
En estos videos de comentarios públicos que luego compartió en las redes sociales para generar seguidores, él:
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miembros de la junta acusados falsamente y maestros individuales de estafaconspiraciones y malas conductas.
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repetidamente tergiversado popular, bien considerado yestándares curriculares ya examinados intensamente orientados hacia comunidades escolares inclusivas y de apoyo
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representó falsamente y difamó el trabajo de académicos negros para avivar el resentimiento y el miedo racial
En línea, comenzó a reclutar padres y residentes del área de Glendale.a unirse a su misión alimentada por el odio, alentándolos a sacar a sus hijos de la escuela pública, exigir la vigilancia de los maestros y eliminar las protecciones exigidas por el estado y el gobierno federal para los jóvenes LGBTQ.Glendale se merece algo mejor que Jordan Henry.
How does extremism work?
Extremist talking points and tactics follow a familiar pattern.
First, an influential far-right public figure makes a vague allegation (e.g. schools are teaching "radical gender ideology," teachers are "groomers").
This person's social media followers quickly latch onto the claim and spread it. These extremist online networks (Signal, Telegram, Snapchat, Instagram, TikTok) coordinate meetups at school board meetings, rallies, and city council meetings to make public comment, where false claims can be clipped and spread further on social media.
Soon after, the "controversy" is amplified through legacy media, who cover the "controversy" in a "both sides" framing that legitimizes the original extremist claim within moderate, often older communities that still consume legacy media. These news consumers may not have any connection to public schools and thus believe that the claim must be true because it is in the New York Times or on CNN.
Public institutions, often understaffed and unable to monitor in real-time, are caught off-guard by the intensity and violence of the threats. They believe that if they ignore the extremists, they will go away.
However, most voters don't vote at all, let alone in local elections. Elections are ripe targets for extremist takeovers. Extremists on City Councils and School Boards quickly lead to ongoing chaos, staff resignations, and legal fights that drain city and school budgets of operating funds, decrease public and school safety, and erode public trust in government.
From Chris Rufo to Jordan Henry: A Case Study
In early 2021, right wing groups escalated a nationwide assault on public schools. Led by Christopher Rufo and a number of hastily created dark money-funded organizations, they quickly manufactured a modern day red scare and moral panic about broadly popular and widely adopted curriculum related to race, American history, LGBTQ issues, and sexual education programs. Critical Race Theory was Rufo's first test case but he quickly moved on to "gender ideology" and "parental rights." By June 2023, these false allegations led to violent anti-GUSD protests led by Jordan Henry.
